The Armenians looked upon Godfrey de Bouillon as a savior. Had he not entered
Asia against the will of the Greek Emperor, and was he not marching under the
aegis of the Cross? Constanitin, aware of the vast project devised by the
Crusaders, saw in this a unique opportunity for deliverance from Byzantine
suzerainty. He therefore did his utmost to assist the Crusades, whose situation
during the siege of Antioch would have been precarious had it not been for
Armenian aid.
"The number of the Franks," continues Matthew of Edessa, "was so
great that they felt the pinch of famine. The Armenian chiefs who lived in the
Taurus, Constantin the son of Roupen, Pazouni, and Oshin, sent to the Frankish
generals all the provisions they needed. The monks of the Black Mountain (Amanus),
also supplied them with foodstuffs." Pope Gregory XIII in his Bull of 1584,
declared that "No nation came more readily to the aid of the Crusaders than
the Armenians. They supplied them with men, horses, arms and food."
The Franks, for their part, duly appreciated the aid of their Armenian allies.
Constantin was honored with titles of Comes and Baron. Josselin, Counte of
Edesaa, married the daughter of Constantin. Baudoin (Baldwin), brother of
Godfrey, married the niece of the Armenian Baron, daughter of his brother Thoros.
The mutual interests were thus consecrated by those marriages, and these
Christians of the East entered into a vast feudal organization of the Crusades.
Thoros
drives Greeks out
It
did not take long for the Armenians to derive benefits from this accord.
Encouraged by Tancred, Prince of Antioch, Thoros, son and successor of
Constantin, followed the course of the Pyramus River, and seized the stronghold
of Anazarba. This place, fortified first by the Emperor Justin I and then by the
Khalifa Haroun al-Rashid, was considered impregnable. The city of Sis was the
next to fall into the hands of Thoros. Churches and monasteries were constructed
everywhere by this pious prince; Armenian colonists were induced to come and
prosper under their national flag.
Repulses
Turkish Invasion
Assisted by the Franks of Antioch, Thoros had conquered the major part of
Cilicia, driving out the small Greek garrisons, when Turkish hordes penetrated
into the heart of Cilicia and took Anazarba. Byzantines had been almost entirely
dislodged from their former strongholds in the lower part of the country, and
the Turks therefore believed that they could easily crush Armenian
resistance. They coveted the possession of the Sultanate of Iconium and the
southern shore of Asia Minor. Thoros repulsed and drove them back to the
territory of Cogh Vassil, another Armenian chieftain, who reigned at Marash.
There too the invaders were defeated and once more forced to flee. Two years
later, after ravaging the lands around Melitine (Malatia), they besieged the
fortress of Harcan (Hajen), where they were again beaten by the Armenians. Their
chief was captured and brought to Kessoun, the headquarters of the district,
near Marash. Nevertheless, the Turkish marauders continued their depredations,
especially in rural areas. The country suffered a major attack by the Seljuk
Sultan of Iconium, Malik Shah (1107-1116). Thoros, however, after sustaining a
severe reverse in the first engagement, won a decisive victory in the second,
though it was a costly encounter. The Sultan retreated towards Kharput, looting
and devastating everything in his way. The only stronghold that he failed to
subjugate was the fortress of Dzovk, known to Strabo as Cybistra.
Baron
Leon I expands his domain
Thoros died in 1129, and was succeeded by his brother, Leon I (1129-1137), who
reigned eight years and expanded his rule over the plains, and even to the
Mediterranean shores. Without the possession of seaports, contact with Europe
could be effected only through the Frankish coastal cities in the southeast. But
relations between two former allies did not always remain as courteous as
before. Thoros seems to have been slow in paying Baldwin the sum of 60,000 gold
besants, his daughter's dowry; the Armenians complained of the exactions of the
Crusaders, while the Franks accused their allies of calling upon infidels for
help whenever they had the least pretense of discontent. A major cause of
dissension between the Armenians and the Latins of Antioch was the ownership of
the strongholds of the southern Amanus, and of the neighboring coasts of the
Gulf of Alexandretta.
Treachery
of Antioch
The fort of Sarouantikar, on the lower Jihoun River, dominated by Leon, was also
a subject of dispute. Raymond de Poitiers, Prince of Antioch, demanded that
place in the 1136, claiming that it was a part of Crusaders' territory. Raymond
refrained from taking arms against the Armenian Baron, but chose a more
despicable course; he lured Leon into a trap and held him prisoner. After two
months of confinement, Leon obtained his liberty by consenting to harsh terms.
Not only did he surrender the fort of Sarouantikar, south of Marash, but also
Mamestia and Adana; in addition he paid 60,000 gold pieces and gave his son as
hostage. He also pledged himself to assist Raymond against the Emperor John II
Comnenus.
Baron Leon did not wait long to break the contract which had been extorted from
him through treachery. He recaptured all the territories surrendered to Raymond
and launched an attack against the Prince of Antioch and his ally, Foulques
d'Anjou, King of Jerusalem. This hostility would have been fatal to both
Armenians and Franks-both of whom were always menaced by the Turks-but Josselin
II, Count of Edessa, who was related by marriage to Leon, obtained an honorable
agreement for both sides in 1137. An alliance was formed by them against the
Emperor, who was then pressing his claims against Antioch as well as Cilicia.
Stepane
at Marash
Menwhile, the war against the Turks was in progress. "In 584 (1135)," says a
historian, Michael the Syrian, "Baron Stepane, brother of Baron Thoros, having
arrived under the walls of Marash, caused his troops to enter the city during
the night. They were received in the houses of those inhabitants who were
Christians. This suprise had been contrived by a priest of this city whit whom
Baron Stepane was in Compact. At dawn his soldiers captured the place and slew
the Turks who were within. Flushed with their victory, they instulted the
guardians of the citadel and molested their hands. So they set the city afire,
and taking away the Christians with them, advanced into the interior of the
country."
Aboulfaraj (Mar-haebreus, a Syrian bishop of great erudition) decribes the same
events adding: "The turks, exercising humanity, showed a pacific
disposition towards the Christians who had remained; and to the Armenian
fugitives who had returned, they restored their houses, vineyards and fields.
But an Armenian priest whom they (The Turks) suspected of being in connivance
with his compatriots was flayed alive. After three days they cut off his tongue,
hands and feet and threw him into the flames. The Armenians, incensed at this
cruelty, put a number of Turks to the same torture."
Greeks
incite Turks
The hostility of the Turks
towards the Armenians had in the meantime been nurtured by gold supplied by the
court of Byzantium, which maintained, as ever, its designs on Cilicia and the
principality of Antioch. Despite the alliance concluded between the Armenians
and the Princes of Antioch, the Greeks invaded Cilicia, defying the Crusaders
and Leon, and occupied all the plain of Adana and the Gulf of Alexandretta. The
Baron took refuge in the Taurus Mountains, but at last found the situation
hopeless, and surrendered himself to the conqueror. He was dragged away to
Constantinople, where he died in imprisonment in 1141. His son Roupen, after
being blinded was assassinated by the Greeks.
Thoros
II (1145-1169)
All
Cilician remained under Byzantine rule for eight years. The Latin principalities
of Antioch and Edessa, often harassed by the Turks, were unable to assist their
allies. One of Leon's sons, Thoros, a prinsoner in Constantinople, had gained
the favors of the Palace through his personal charm. He fled from the capital in
disguise, on board a Venetian vessel, reached Cyprus and thence went to Antioch.
There, Prince Raymond and Patriarch Athanas VIII, supplied him with means by
which to accomplish his adventurous design, namely, the shaking off of the
Byzantine yoke. In company with a small escort he left Antioch and penetrated
into the Amanus mountains, where some thousands of Armenian volunteers joined
him. After several successful engagements with the Imperial troops, he recovered
the ancient domain of his father.
Romantic
escape of Thoros
The
chronicles of Vahram of Edessa thus describe the triumph of young Baron:-
"Those
who were attached to the Emperor's palace claim that Thoros prologed his sojourn
until tha day when a Greek princess who was in love with him gave him treasures
which he took away with him. Reaching the mountainous part of Cilicia, he met an
Armenian priest, whom he secretly made himself known as the son of Leon. The
priest welcomed him with joy. The Armenians who remained in the country and
those who lived in the mountains, subjected to the oppression of the Greeks, had
been most fervently wishing for the return of their old masters. Now being
apprised by the priest of the return of their beloved prince, they readily
united in greetin Thoros as their Baron."
While
the Emperor John was subduing Cilicia and approaching Antioch, the Turks ravaged
the adjacent Latin territories. The Byzantines had allied themselves with the
Turks, so as to overthrow the power of the Frankish interlopers and destroy the
Armenian baronies. But that unholy alliance was broken when the Moslems invaded
the district of Kessoun, within the domain of the Empire.
Byzantine-Turkish
alliance violated
This
rupture is described by Matthew of Edessa as follows:-
"In
585 (1136), Sultan Mohammed, son of Amir Ghazi, son of Danishmend, came with a
great army to the country of Marash, near Kessoun, and set fire to the villages
and monasteries. . . He deferred attacking the city, busying himself with
diverting the water of the river, laying waste the gardens, making incursion
here and there, and collecting his booty and putting it into security. However,
the citizens of Marash, in constant fear of an assault, fell into such an excess
of discouragement that one night they abandoned the outer ramparts; but their
chiefs and the priests succeeded in reviving their spirits. . . God did not
command the infidels to invest and assault the place, and on Friday, which is
the day of the passion of our Lord, Kessoun was delivered. The enemy burned the
Garmirvank (the Red Monastry), the chapel and the cells of the monks, smashed
the wooden and stone crosses and carried away those of iron and bronze,
demolished the altars and scattered their fragments. He took away the doors with
their admirable scrollwork design, as well as other objects, and transferred
them all to his country, to show to his concubines and the populace . . .
Mohammed retreated upon learning that the Emperor of the Romans (John Comnenus)
was speeding to the rescue of besieged Kessoun, and of our Count Baldwin, who
had implored him on his knees for help. The Emperor, devastating the Moslem
lands, was already approaching Antioch. After having deprived our Prince Leon of
his sovereignty, he seized his cities, and fortresses, and taking him prisoner,
carried him off to the country of the Greeks, beyond the sea, on the frontiers
of Asia."
Thoros
II reconquers his barony
Whatever
the conditions in which Thoros entered Cilicia, he found it occupied by many
Greek garrisons. One after another, he conquered Amada (Tumlu-Kalessi), Anazarba,
Adana, Sis, Aryudzapert and Partzerpert. The city of Edessa, however, was taken
on December 23rd, 1144, by lmad-ed-din Zenghi. Thoros, unable to rexeive any aid
from the princes of Antioch, was compelled to resist alone the Greek army of
12000 men, commanded by Adnronicus Comnenus, a cousin of the Emperor Manuel I,
but inflicted a signal defeat upon that general in 1152. To average this
humiliation, the Emperor resorted to stratagem, instigating an attack by Massoud
I, the Seljuk Sultan, upon the Armenian Baron. The Seljuks, seated in the very
center of Asia Minor, constituted a peril for the capital of the Greek Empire;
but Manuel's chief concern at the moment was the punishment of the Armenian
Baron for the affront inflicted on him. Massound invaded Cilicia, but Thoros
parried this new danger by recognizing the Moslem Sultan as his lord paramount.
Turks
beaten
In 1156 upon some flimsy pretext Massoud again sent
his troops against the Armenians. The invaders were repulsed by the
Crusaders and the army of Thoros. Surprised in the defiles between the
Amanus Mountain and the sea, the Turks suffered a bloody reverse. The
remnants of their army retreated northeastward, devastating the
districts of Marash and Kharput. But they were not slow in
reorganizing and returning to the offensive, laying siege to the
Castle of Till Hamdoun, in the vicinity of Sis. They were dispersed,
however, when the Armenians took advantage of a pestilence raging in
the foe's army and dealt him a telling blow. Masoud
died and his son, Azzed‑din Kilij Arslan II, concluded in 1158 a peace
with Thoros, who continued to rule Cilicia and Isauria.
Templars invade Cyprus
In 1156 the Crusader ships disembarked upon the
Cyprian
coast an army composed of Latins and Armenians which, after crushing a
feeble opposition, spread rapidly in all directions, plundering and
kidnapping the rich, to be held for ransom. These acts of violence,
though unjustifiable, were a natural retaliation for the intolerant
and perfidious actions of the Greeks, often with Moslem aid, against
the non-Orthodox Christians of the East.
Emperor Manuel of course could not tolerate the
seizure of Cyprus. He sought revenge in 1158 by invading Cilicia at
the head of an army of 50,000. He captured Anazarba, Till Hamdoun,
Tarsus and Lamos, while Baron Thoros, unable to defend his country,
retired to the castle of Dajikikar in the Taurus Mountains. Renaud and
Baldwin of Jerusalem (husband of the Emperor's niece) interceded for
Thoros, and regained for him the major part of his domain, on
condition that he recognize the Greek Emperor's suzerain right. Thoros
was then honored with the title "Palatin of Pansebastos."
p226 Stepané murdered
Thoros Massacres Greeks
Peace, however, was not yet well established.
Disregarding all official pledges, Stepané, the Baron's brother, at
the head of Armenian bands, laid waste the Imperial territories in the
district of Marash. Andronicus, the Greek governor of Tarsus,
resorting to stratagem, invited Stepané to a feast and killed him in
the most cruel manner. Thoros, thereupon, ordered a massacre, to which
a great number of Greeks within his borders fell victims. War between
the Emperor and his vassal Prince would have broken out again had not
Amaury I, King of Jerusalem, intervened.
Mleh Usurper
Disheartened by the country's misfortunes, Thoros
abdicated before his death in 1169 in favor of his son Roupen, a
minor, under the guardianship of Baille Thomas. But Thoros's brother
Mleh, once member of the order of the Knights Templars, and now
supported by Nour‑ed‑Din, the Turkish atabek
(prince) of Aleppo, invaded the Armenian barony. Mleh at first agreed
to a settlement offered by the guard of Roupen, by which he was to
receive an equal share of the territory. But soon after this, the
usurper repudiated his pledge and seized the entire territory. The
Baille secretly carried Roupen to the castle of Romgla and put him
under the care of the Katholikos Nerses (Shnorhali, "the Gracious").
But despite this precaution, the young prince was found dead not long
afterward.
Mleh, who is accused by some chroniclers of
apostasy and tyranny, had aligned himself with Moslem rulers, such as
Salih-Ismail of Aleppo and Kilij-Arslan II of Iconium, defying both
Greek and Latin states. Because of his military prowess, Mleh was
finally recognized by Emperor Manuel in 1173 as the independent Baron
of Cilician Armenia. But he had made a host of enemies by his
cruelties in his country, resulting in his assassination by his own
soldiers in the city of Sis in 1175.
Treacherous warfare
This period of Levantine history was characterized
by a constant and bitter clash of conflicting interests. The Greeks
cunningly embroiled the Crusader princes with each other and inflamed
Moslem hostility against non-Greek Christians. They pretended
friendships with formidable enemies, then suddenly changing their
tactics, took up arms against their allies of yesterday. As for the
Moslems, their treatment of Christians was not only contemptuous but
merciless when they had the opportunity. The famous Saladin
(Salah-ed‑Din), Sultan of Egypt and Syria, issued a decree in Egypt
forbidding "infidels" (Christians) to ride horses or mules and
commanded themº
always to wear a belt in public, so that they may be distinguished
from true believers. The Byzantines, despite the indignities to which
they were subjected by the Mohammedans, sometimes heaped upon Turkish
princes such honors that these only tended to increase Moslem contempt
for all Christians.
Gaudy display of Emperor
An account by Aboulfaraj of the welcome accorded to
Kilij-Arslan, who spent three months in Constantinople seeking aid
against his domestic adversaries, says that "twice a day food was
served him on gold and silver plates which were left to him as gifts.
On one occasion the Emperor, after dining with his guest, offered him
all the battle service decoration as well as other gifts, not counting
those presented to each of the thousand Turks who composed his
escort." According to other chroniclers, feasts were given in honor of
the Seljuk Sultan in an atmosphere of amazing splendor.
p228 "On a
magnificently decorated platform stood a throne of massive
gold, set with diamonds, jacinths and other precious stones,
encircled by pearls of brilliant whiteness. Profusely
distributed lights struck dazzling rays out of all these
jewels. On the throne was seated the Emperor, dressed in a
mantle of purple, upon which artistically combined diamonds
and pearls formed admirable designs. Over his chest suspended
to a golden chain hung a pink stone of the size of an apple.
On either side were ranged the members of the Senate, in the
order of their respective State functions. Kilij-Arslan, when
escorted in, was astonished by such magnificence, but at
length took a modest seat. During his stay at the court of
Manuel, he lived in one of the palaces in the southern part of
Constantinople. All the pleasures of the imperial city —
equestrian combats, dramatic entertainment, spectacles of the
circus, Greek fire — were offered him."
|
Thus the Byzantine Emperor treated the Seljuk chief
who, entrenched in Iconium, was threatening all eastern Christendom,
who, in 1148, had taken the city of Marash and violating his pledged
words, slaughtered the knights, the Frankish bishop and priests and
the major part of the populace. Instead of demonstrating to
Kilij-Arslan the might of his legions, the Emperor chose to display
only his wealth — which merely excited the visitor's greed and stirred
him to action against the Crusaders and even the Greeks. Finally, the
Emperor's worst error was that of supplying him with funds with which
to turn against the Franks, but which were used against Byzantium
itself.
Baron Roupen II (1175‑1187)
Roupen II, son of Stépané
andº
nephew of Thoros II and of Mleh, was elected by the seigneurs of
Cilician Armenia to occupy the throne of the principality. The mighty
Saladin, lord of Egypt and a part of Syria, was then preparing a
campaign against the Crusaders. The Armenians meanwhile were
threatened by Kilij-Arslan II; in fact, all the Christian
principalities had to come then to grips with the Moslems. The new
Baron of Cilicia feeling unequal to the struggle was constrained to
buy peace in 1180; but scarcely had he withdrawn his forces from the
frontiers, when the Prince of Antioch and Hetoum, the pro-Greek master
of Lampron, instigated by Manuel, began hostilities against him.
Roupen sent his brother Leon to surround Hetoum's mountain lair.
Bohemund III, p229rushing to the aid of
Hetoum, treacherously made Roupen prisoner, and the latter obtained
his release only upon payment of 30,000 dinars as ransom and the
cession to the Prince of Antioch of the cities of Adana and Mamestia.
Roupen, however, who had married Isabelle, daughter
of Humphrey III, seigneur of Karak and Thoron, remained always
friendly to the Crusaders in spirit. He was a just and good prince,
and created many pious foundations within his domains. Shortly before
his death, he abdicated in favor of his brother Leon, and retired to
the monastery of Drazark.
Third Crusade moves to East
Events of the gravest import were taking place in
the East at this time. Saladin captured Jerusalem on
October 2nd, 1187. Edessa and Acre had already fallen to the Moslems;
Tripoli and Antioch soon followed. Unless the Western powers could
come to their aid, the Crusaders and Cilician Armenia were doomed to
early disappearance. The Pope exerted all his energy to bring about a
new expedition. Accordingly, Frederick I, "Barbarossa," the German
monarch — known as head of the "Holy Roman Empire," — and the Kings of
France and England were moved to action. Frederick was given the
leadership of the Third Crusade in 1189. Reaching Asia by way of
Macedonia, the great army made a halt in Cilician Armenia, with
Antioch and Jerusalem as its next objectives.
Leon saw in these formidable operations a unique
opportunity to extend his authority and to obtain for himself a royal
crown. He dreamed of playing the part of territorial and political
intermediary between the Byzantine Empire and the Latin principalities
of the East. He, therefore, eagerly supplied the Third Crusaders with
provisions, guides, pack animals and all manner of aid, besides
pledging the cooperation of his army.
The Emperor Frederick was thus won over to Leon's
cause, and promised him a crown, but a fatal accident delayed the
consummation of this act. Barbarossa met his death in the icy waters
of the Galycadnus River (Gheuk-sou), either in crossing it or while
bathing. Leon then turned his eyes towards Frederick's successor,
Henry VI, the new head of the Crusade. He also made an appeal in 1195
on the same subject, to Pope Celestine III who, as a spiritual
sovereign, wielded more extensive and permanent authority.
p230 Crusade saves Armenia from
incursions
The arrival of this Crusade ushered in a new era
for the Armenians. Greek legions as well as Turkish hordes ceased
their incursions in Leon's domain. The necessities of a new situation
were being considered by all the neighboring elements. The creation of
a Kingdom of Cyprus was one of the striking signs of changing
conditions. In the spring of 1191, Richard I
(Lion-Hearted), King of England, who had left Sicily at the head of
his crusading fleet, was forced by tempestuous weather to lay by in
Cyprus, then ruled by Isaac Comnenus, a kinsman of the Greek Imperial
dynasty, but who had declared himself independent of Byzantium. Being
told that an English vessel had been shipwrecked upon his shores,
Isaac hastened to the port of Limassol, hoping to lay his hands upon
Berengaria of Navarre, the fiancée of King Richard, and Jeanne de
Sicile, his sister-in‑law, whose vessel had grounded, but getting
clear again, had rejoined the English fleet.
Richard I in Cyprus
Incensed at this affront, the doughty Richard
disembarked at Limassol, took possession of the entire island, and
seized Isaac, with his family, and his treasure. The downfall of this
despot was joyously hailed by the Latins because of his acts of
espionage and treason in behalf of Saladin. Blithely installing Guy
de Lusignan as the first King of Cyprus, Richard then proceeded
towards the Holy Land.
Byzantines antagonizing Christians
The meddling of Western nations in the affairs of
the East during the first two Crusades had greatly ruffled the Greeks.
They believed that any Moslem occupation of their territory would only
be temporary; but they dreaded the outcome of the Crusades, especially
the Third one, led by an emperor and two kings. Had they joined the
Western forces, the Christian kingdoms of Syria and Cilicia would have
survived, and Constantinople would probably never have fallen into the
hands of a common enemy. But the fanaticism of the Greek Emperor
greatly contributed to the fall of the Empire and the retrogression of
world civilization.
p231 Leon plays Greeks against
Crusaders
Baron Leon displayed an astute diplomatic talent by
balancing Greeks against Latins, though his ambition enough a crown
induced him to lean towards the Latin side. On the other hand, Sultan
Saladin had almost crushed the Western powers in the Levant, while the
Greek Empire still enjoyed an imposing prestige, and, as a great ally
or protector, could gratify Leon's ambition if it chose. This,
however, never came about. The Armenian Church delegates who visited
Constantinople in 1179 for the settlement of disputes between the
sects, failed in their negotiations. The specified conditions on which
Byzantine goodwill towards the Armenian nation might be obtained were
these; (a) To recognize two natures in Jesus Christ; (b) To honor the
fourth Council of Chalcedon; (c) To solemnize the birth of Christ on
December 25th; (d) To celebrate mass with leavened bread and water
mixed with wine; (e) To eliminateº
the formula, "Holy God . . . that hast been crucified;" (f) The
election of a new Katholikos must always be submitted to the Emperor
for his sanction.1
Papacy favors Armenian kingdom
The demands of the Byzantine clergy, seconded by
the Emperor, compelled the Armenian Baron to turn towards Rome, to
make common cause with the Western powers and to follow their fortunes
in the Near East. In Rome, the creation of a native kingdom in Asia in
harmony with the Latin spirit and culture was welcomed; it would
provide the Crusades with a solid base, assuring the development of
Christian states in Syria and Palestine, which might in due time
dominate all Anterior Asia.
Western Europe generally believed that the
Byzantine Empire would not last long. It was expected or hoped that it
would be replaced by a Latin state, capable of preventing the Turks
from entering Europe via the Bosporus. The conquest of Spain and
Sicily by the Moors and their drive to the very heart of France in the
eighth century had been a serious warning to Western Christians.
Leon's ambition therefore found a favorable echo in the Papal palace
as well as in secular courts. It was necessary, however, for that to
be moderate in its demands for changes in the Armenian Church,
p232for the people were strongly attached
to its ancient rites and customs. The clergy clung to its
prerogatives, and the nobles looked askance not only at the
abandonment of religious isolation, but also at the creation of a
royal authority to replace the seignorial allegiance which they were
capable of selling to the highest bidder whenever opportunity offered.
Leon had received while with his maternal uncle,
Pagouran, an education that was more Greek than Armenian, for the
lords of Baberon and Lampron had remained loyal to the Byzantine
Emperors. It is significant that Leon signed his name in Greek
ΛΕΟ, followed (in Armenian) by his royal
title, "Tacavor Hayotz," "King of the
Armenians". It was indeed through his Byzantine contact that his great
political plans were developed. Aspiring to a higher and wider range
of authority, he yearned to wear the purple and to treat on equal
terms with emperors, sultans, khalifas and European sovereigns.
Leon labors to obtain the Crown
The negotiations dragged on for a long period. Leon
appealed directly to the German Emperor, Henry VI. He also submitted
his designs to other Crusader chiefs, winning the good will and
support of all. Communications between Rome and himself became more
frequent. The Pope received the Baron's ambassadors and sent his
legates to Cilicia to discuss matters both political and religious.
Already, half a century earlier, the subject of a closer relationship
between the Armenian and Roman Catholic churches had been broached by
Pope Eugenius III. Pope Lucius III
sent a letter to the Armenian Katholikos, Grigor IV, Degha, in 1185,
the translation of which by Nerses, Archbishop of Lambron, has been
preserved.
Negotiations between Pope and Katholikos
"In the year 634 of the Armenian calendar," says
the Archbishop, "came Gregory, Bishop of Philippopolis, sent by the
Roman Pope Lucius to our Katholikos Gregory. He brought the answer to
the letter of our master (the Katholikos) and the book containing the
customs and rites of the church, in Latin script." Four years later,
in 1189, a letter which Pope Clement III sent to Baron Leon, urging
him to participate in the deliverance of the Holy Land, began,
"Clement, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to our well-beloved
p233son, the illustrious mountain prince,
apostolic greeting and benediction."
Greeks still in opposition
This correspondence with the Papacy did not prevent
Leon from negotiating at the same time with the Greek Emperor
Alexius II. In 1197 he despatched Nerses, Archbishop of Lambron and
Tarsus, in company with one Baron Paul, to discuss ecclesiastical
questions. It was on that occasion that the Archbishop reported to
Leon, "After discussion with them (the Greeks), we found them
ignorant, rude and dull, obstinate like the Jews, who do not wish to
serve God through rebirth by the Holy Ghost, but through the ancient
Scriptures.2
Grieved in our spiritual good-will, we returned confused and
disappointed in our modest hope."
It was obvious that Leon was motivated by political
interest and not by religious convictions. Had he found more tolerance
in Constantinople, the Armenians would have been closer to the Greeks
than to the Latins. The ritual terms which the Pope imposed upon the
Armenian Church, in return for his support of Leon's ambition to
kingship, were slight and acceptable. They tended still further to
deepen the rift which separated the new Armenia from the Byzantine
Empire.3
Leon seizes Prince of Antioch
Nevertheless, the relations between Leon and the
Latins had not always been friendly. Friction was frequent, especially
with the neighboring principality of Antioch, the ill-defined
frontiers of which afforded easy pretexts for disputes. A climax was
reached in 1194 when Baron Leon, detecting a design to attack him
plotted by Bohemund III, the Prince of Antioch, forestalled his
adversary by luring him to an entertainment, where he was seized and
thrown into confinement in the castle of Sis. The Frankish prince was
released through the intervention of Henri de Champagne, Regent of
p234the kingdom, but only on condition
that all territory taken from Roupen II should be given back to the
Armenians.
Leon makes ally of Antioch
As a further step in the development of Leon's
far-reaching plans, an alliance was concluded with Antioch through the
marriage of the Baron's niece, Alice, with Raymond, the eldest son of
Bohemund. The marriage contract stipulated that should the bride give
birth to a son, the child was to inherit the throne of Antioch. A boy
was born and named Raymond-Roupen; but upon the untimely death of the
infant's young father in 1198, while Bohemond was still alive, the
latter's younger son, the Count of Tripoli, known as Bohemund IV, "the
One-Eyed," took advantage of the heir's minority and seized the
throne. Leon, furious at the usurpation of the rights of his
grand-nephew, took up arms in the very year when he was receiving his
long-coveted royal crown.
Leon I becomes King of Armenians (1199‑1219)
On January 6th, 1199, Cardinal Konrad of
Wittelsbach, Archbishop of Mainz, the delegate of Pope Celestine III,
placed a royal crown upon the head of Baron Leon II, in the Church of
Holy Wisdom (Sourp Sophia) at Tarsus. The Katholikos, Grigor Abirad
(1195‑1203) anointed the new sovereign, who assumed the name and
title of Leon I by the grace of the Roman Emperor (Henry VI),
King of Armenia. He thus declared himself a feudatory of Western
Europe, represented by the German Monarch. AÂ few years after his
accession, however, Leon shook off this vassal status and began
calling himself "King by the Grace of God."
Pope names terms
In sending the crown to the new king, the Pope had
demanded that he subscribe to several conditions, all relative to
divergencies existing between the rites of the Armenians and those of
the Latins. "When you have adopted these rites," the Cardinal of
Wittelsbach told him, "you will not have to trouble yourselves about
the gifts and dues which you have to offer to the emperors and the
Pope as tokens of Fealty for your crown. But if you refuse, IÂ am
instructed to demand of you very large sums of money in gold, in
silver and precious stones."
The conditions were as follows:—
- To celebrate Christmas and other feasts of saints on dates
adopted by the Latins.
- To recite in the church the prayers of the hours of the day
p236and night — which practice had
ceased in Armenia since the invasion of the Arabs.
- To break fasting on the day before Christmas and Easter
(Christmas Eve and Easter Eve) by permitting the use of fish and
oil.
Leon called the Katholikos and the bishops together
and asked them how to reply to the proposition of the Latins. Upon
their refusal to accept the stipulations, he said, "You need not be
disquieted. IÂ will satisfy them for the moment by dissimulation." The
bishops then gave their consent, and twelve of them signed the
engagement.1
Pope, Emperor and Khalifa recognize Leon
The coronation took place with solemn pomp, in the
presence of fifteen bishops, thirty-nine feudal barons and a great
number of feudal knights.2
The Khalifa of Baghdad sent presents. The assumption of a royal title
was an act of great importance for the Byzantine government. Cilician
Armenia was now shaking off its vassalage to the Empire; but a
Byzantine denial of recognition of p237the
new King would have been tantamount to defiance of the Crusaders. The
Emperor, Alexius III Angelus, took the wiser course by sending Leon
presents and a crown, accompanying them with this counsel; "Do not put
on your head the crown of the Romans, but the one we sent you, because
you are nearer to us than to Rome." It is believed by some that Leon
had been given a crown three years before, in 1196, by the Byzantine
Emperor.
The Frankish crown did not in any way modify the
attitude of Leon towards the principality of Antioch. In 1203 he sent
an expedition to enforce his claim against Bohemund IV, but his army
was defeated by the Knights Templars, who were supporting the usurper.
After inflicting a decisive defeat upon the Sultan
Melik-ed‑Daher of Aleppo, Leon again took up arms against
Bohemund IV and his allies, among whom were now enlisted the
Templars. At the same time the Armenian King appealed to Pope
Innocent III for adjudication of the dispute. The Pope delegated two
Cardinals as arbiters. One of them, Cardinal Peter,
made hasty and arbitrary decisions against the young prince, and
finally, exceeded his authority by going so far as to excommunicate
Leon. The Armenian King was not of a type to brook such treatment. In
retaliation, he expelled all Knights Templars and Latin clergymen from
his domain and detained the Princes of Antioch and Tripoli in
confinement.
Furthermore, without waiting for the
reconsideration of the case by the King of Cyprus and the Patriarchs
of Jerusalem and Antioch, as recommended by the Pope, Leon again laid
siege to Antioch. AÂ great number of its leading citizens were by this
time turned against the usurper Bohemund. They opened one of the
gates, through which the Armenian troops made a triumphal entry, to be
welcomed with music and song. Thereupon, in 1211, the ceremony of the
installation of Raymond-Roupen as the ruler of the principality took
place, with the Latin patriarch presiding. Leon gave to Raymond-Roupen
in marriage his wife's sister Helvis, the daughter of Amaury
de Lusignan, King of Cyprus and Jerusalem. He also obtained from
Otho IV, the German Emperor, the promise of a crown for his
grand-nephew and protégé as King of Antioch.
Later on the ban of excommunication was lifted from
Leon by Pope Honorius III, who also placed Raymond-Roupen and the
state of Antioch under the protection of the Holy See. During his
conflict with the Latins, Leon had entered into an alliance with
Theodorus I p238(Lascaris), Emperor of
Nicaea,3
by giving in marriage Philippina, the younger daughter of his brother
Roupen. Through this coup, the western and northern frontiers of the
country were to be made secure against the Seljuks, who had already
erected a kingdom in the center of Asia Minor.
The Armenian King's policy, however, did not
undergo a fundamental change. According to chroniclers, Leon had
visited Cyprus on the occasion of King Richard's4
marriage with Princess Berengaria, even acting as one of his
groomsmen. He had also sent Armenian contingents to the aid of the
French and English forces during their siege of Ptolemais (St. Jean
d'Acre).
The Royal Court of Armenia
Leon organized his court and government after the
pattern of those of Antioch and Jerusalem. He adopted courts of
justice similar to the Assizes of Antioch — the Assizes of Jerusalem
being in force among Christians of Syria and Palestine. The Latin and
French languages began to be used by the clergy and court, together
with the Armenian vernacular. The relationship between the Crown and
the feudal lords became closer. Old titles and designations of rank
were replaced by European ones, such as comte (count),
baron, sir, countstable (connétable, constable); the last-named being
an adopted form of the sbassalar, a
agricultural or military commander. Leon created also two bailles
(bajulus), in accordance with the practice of the Assizes of
Jerusalem; one to protect and educate the future Queen, the other for
the administration of the business affairs of the Crown. There were
also a marshal, chamberlain, chancellor, a great cup-bearer
(bouteiller), a grand courier (head of the King's messengers), all in
accordance with the customs of the courts of Europe, though a few
functionaries survived from Greek originals — such as the Proximos,
a financial officer of the kingdom, and the SĂ©bast and the
Pansébast.
Leon reserved to himself the right of bestowing
knighthood upon the feudal barons under his suzerainty. By the
extension of the p239royal authority, a
great number of semi-independent barons became subject to him, thus
expanding the frontiers of the State and including seventy-two
fortresses within an area measuring two days' march in width and
sixteen days' march in length. Almost all the passes of the heights of
Taurus and Amanus had been incorporated within the Armenian kingdom,
and many of them entrusted to the care of European knights — the
Templars, the Hospitallers and others.
Commerce of the Armenians
The economic development of his realm was another
major object of Leon's concern. Situated between three competing
elements — Latin, Greek and Moslem — Cilician Armenia enjoyed the
advantage, from a commercial point of view, of serving as a link
between East and West. The harbors of the Cilician coast, although not
adequate for war galleys, afforded good shelter for such commercial
vessels as came to cast anchor there. The Armenians, well acquainted
with the trade routes of the Euphrates and Tigris, of Persia and
India, had better knowledge than others of the value of
p240Oriental goods in the western
markets. They also came to an understanding with the Sultans of
Iconium, the Khalifas of Baghdad and the Emirs of Aleppo with regard
to duties on importations and exportations. After the fall of almost
all Western Asia into the hands of the Moslem powers, the caravans
began to move in comparative security between the Indus River and the
Euphrates. The commerce formerly directed towards the Greek regions of
Asia Minor were now gradually diverted towards Cilician Armenia, the
new rendezvous of western navigators. Under Leon II, son and
successor of the great first King, European merchants began to flock
to Tarsus and Adana, and the harbor of Ayas was full of European
masts. The republics of Venice and Genoa, whose business houses, once
flourishing in Byzantine cities and on Syrian coasts, seemed now to be
in decline, found a promising new field in Cilician Armenia. Both
Venetian and Genoese merchants, always keen rivals with each other,
were favored by a reduction of duties upon their transactions; they
paid no more than one percent or nothing at all. But all others —
those of Montpellier, Provence, Pisa, Sicily, etc. — had to pay
from two to four percent ad valorem. However, when a later
King of Cilician Armenia married a Sicilian princess, the Sicilian
merchants were also placed upon the favored list.
The European merchants found in these emporiums all
kinds of Oriental products — spices, perfumes, incense, soap, gems,
raw silk, the fine textiles of India, the rugs of Iran and many other
desirable articles. Out of this transit traffic, the Armenians derived
immense benefit, the royal treasury being enriched by huge customs
revenues.
King Leon is spoken of in Armenian history as "the
Great" or "the Magnificent." He was endowed with superb qualities,
indeed, and achieved notable successes in the political, military and
economic advancement of his nation, although he was not always
entirely scrupulous as to the means he used to obtain his ends. It
should be understood that the ethical standards of the period were
inevitably lowered by the incursions of barbarians and the bitterness
of conflicting interests. However, Leon fully deserves the admiration
of his people for his beneficent innovations, his pious and charitable
foundations and his progressive legislation. He prohibited the sale of
Christian slaves to non-Christians, he established asylums for lepers
— then numerous in the East — and enacted many measures for the
welfare and prosperity of his subjects.
p241 Queen Zabel (1219‑1252)
Before his death, Leon designated for the throne
his daughter Zabel (Isabelle), born of his second wife, Sybille, the
daughter of Amaury of Lusignan, King of Cyprus and his queen, Isabeau
Plantagenet. The young princessÂş
was proclaimed Queen under the regency of Adam of Gastin. But Adam was
assassinated by Ismaelites (Hashishins)5
and the Baron Constantin, of the Hetoumian family was nominated as
Baille or guardian. At this juncture, Raymond-Roupen, son of
Raymond III of Antioch and Alice, daughter of Roupen III (who had
been forced to abdicate as Prince of Antioch) set up a claim to the
throne of Armenia and backed it by force of arms. But he was defeated
and captured in the plain of Tarsus by Constantin, and executed. In
order to clinch his military success over the Latins with a political
stroke also, the Baille Constantin now (in 1222) arranged a marriage
between the young princess and Philip, son of Raymond the One-Eyed,
the Frankish Count of Tripoli. Philip's treacherous nature, however,
soon made his position untenable. In violation of his sworn pledge to
"adopt the Armenian way of life (Hayénag),
to maintain the church and altar in Armenian fashion, and to respect
everybody's right," he betrayed the interests of the Armenians and
offended their sensibilities.6
He even despoiled the royal palace, sending to Antioch not only its
ornaments and treasures, but the royal crown itself. He was deposed
after a reign of three years and confined in a prison in Sis, where he
died, presumably poisoned, two years later.7
The next step taken by the Baille Constantin leaves
us in doubt p242as to his real motives.
Zabel was then scarcely twelve years old but the Baille announced his
intention of giving her in marriage to his own son, Hetoum. Some of
the barons, resenting the idea of placing such power in the hands of
Constantin, the master of the fort of Lambron, arranged the escape of
the young Queen to Seleucia Trachea (Selefkeh), where her own parents
were then living. The Knights Hospitalers, to whom the defense of the
fort at that place had been entrusted by King Leon, were expected to
protect the young princess, but when the Baille's troops came to
invest the place, Bertrand, the Grand Master of the Order, then also
on the defensive against the Sultan of Iconium, was compelled to
yield. Zabel was removed to Tarsus and consented to marry Hetoum, her
guardian's son, who, ipso facto, was to share the royal
authority with her. The coins minted during that period bear the
effigies of both Zabel and Hetoum.
Hetoum I (1226‑1270)
Hetoum I was a
vigorous and handsome young man when he ascended the throne, and his
reign was longer than that of any other king of Cilician Armenia. But
the beginning of his rule was inauspicious. Sultan Kaikobad of Iconium
(Konya) invaded the country, forcing Hetoum to make territorial and
economic concessions. In fact, coins were even struck, bearing the
name of the Sultan in Arabic on one side, and that of Hetoum in
Armenian on the other.
Invasion of Jinghiz Khan
At this time appeared on the eastern horizon the
terrible Jinghiz p243Khan (Genghis), the
scourge of the 13th century, advancing with his hordes from the wilds
of Mongolia towards the West. He had already devastated northern
China, northern Persia, Greater Armenia and Georgia. All the princes
of Asia Minor, Christian and Moslem, united their forces in the hope
of repelling this dreadful conqueror. Jenghiz Khan eventually fell
back to Kurdistan, where he was assassinated in 1227.
Oktai-Khan
But the Mongol peril was not yet dispelled.
Oktai-Khan (1227‑1241), son of Jinghiz, took up the work of
destruction in the countries west of the Caspian Sea. This was a world
disaster, unprecedented in its swiftness and ferocity. In 1235 almost
the whole population of Gandzak (Elizavetpol), was exterminated by the
Mongols. The pillage of Lori, Ani and Kars followed two years later,
and in 1242 came the destruction of Karin (Erzerum), Caesarea and
Sebast, all ruled by Kaikhosrou II, the Sultan of Iconium.
As the frightful wave of blood and fire approached
his frontiers, Hetoum hastened to declare his submission to the
Mongols. But their Khan, Batchou, demanded the surrender to him of the
mother, wife and children of the Sultan of Iconium, who had taken
refuge in Armenia. Hetoum regretfully submitted to the barbaric
demand, upon which Kaikhosrov invaded Cilicia in revenge for this
violation p244of the laws of hospitality.
However, Hetoum, now supported by theÂş
Mongols, drove the Sultan away from his domain.
Alliance with Mongol King
The Armenian King, giving proof of his far-seeing
diplomacy, then took another bold step towards the conclusion of an
alliance with the all-powerful Mangou, the head of the Mongol princes.
He repaired in person to the latter's court, was received by him with
honors, and after concluding the alliance, returned home triumphant
and confident.
Strange destiny for an Armenian King! — to travel
the whole length of Asia to meet, in the depths of the mysterious
wilds of Scythia, a barbarian overlord. Fortunate it was that the
Armenian monarch had contrived to form an alliance with these pagan
hordes which, after devastating the land of Ararat, were now turning
their armed might against the Mohammedans.8
The Kingdom of Cilician Armenia — Mongol Invasion
New scourge from Egypt
And now another scourge appeared on the scene to
harass western Asia. The Memlouks were originally a cavalry corps
established in Egypt from Turkish and other slaves sold to the
Egyptian Sultan by Jinghiz Khan.1
In 1251 they seized the government, made one of their own number
Sultan, and held power for more than 250Â years. Bibars, their Sultan
(1260‑1277), took the field in 1266 with the fixed intention of
wiping out all the Latin states in Western Asia. He invaded Armenian
Cilicia at the moment when Hetoum was again on his way to the Mongol
Khan's court in quest of aid. The two royal princes, Thoros and Leon,
strove to repel the foe, but their army was crushed, Thoros falling on
the battlefield and Leon being taken prisoner. The Memlouks captured
the most important centers of the country — Amuda, the fortress of
the Knights Templars, Sis, Missis, Adana, Tarsus, Ayas —
slaughtering the inhabitants as they went. Two years later, in 1268,
Antioch itself fell to the Sultan. Almost every man in the city was
butchered and the women were distributed among the soldiers. The booty
taken was enormous.2
p247 Hetoum finally
obtained peace from the conqueror, though on very harsh terms. His son
Leon was given his freedom in exchange for some forts on the frontier
and the release of Sonkor al‑Ashar (the Red Falcon), the Sultan's
favorite friend, who had been captured by Houlagou. Soon after the
return of his son, Hetoum, weary and disappointed, gave up the throne
and retired to a monastery, where he died in 1270.
Leon II (1270‑1289)
His son Leon was endowed with many good qualities.
He was pious, generous and sagacious. He encouraged scholars. The
Bible and several works of former Armenian writers and translators
were copied under his auspices. However, he suffered many griefs,
domestic and otherwise. Pestilence took away a great number of his
subjects. Among other harrowing circumstances were the intrigues of
several of his feudal barons who wavered in their loyalty to the
throne. And while he was laboring to improve the morale of his people,
a formidable army, led by the emirs of the Sultan, invaded his country
without the slightest pretext. Lacking adequate means of resistance,
the Armenians were doomed to a dreadful fate. The city of Tarsus was
taken, the royal palace and the church of St. Sophia burned, the
state treasury looted, 15,000 civilians killed and 10,000 taken
captive to Egypt. Almost the entire population of Ayas, Armenian and
Frankish, perished.
Invasion by Bibars
AÂ graphic account of that invasion is given by
Makrizi, an Arab historian;—
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